London - As Britons mourn the passing last Thursday of the much loved and respected monarch, Queen Elizabeth II, it not only marks the end of her remarkable 70-year reign – but also ushers the UK into a future laced with the vagaries of succession and traditions of the world’s oldest constitutional monarchy, at a time of rising socio-economic uncertainties.
The Queen passed away peacefully at her favourite summer retreat, Balmoral Castle in Scotland.
President Cyril Ramaphosa spoke for leaders and people the world over when he eulogised: "Her Majesty was an extraordinary and world-renowned public figure who lived a remarkable life. Her life and legacy will be fondly remembered by many around the world. The Queen’s commitment and dedication during her 70 years on the throne remains a noble and virtuous example to the entire world."
Her successor, King Charles III, her eldest son, automatically became King on the death of his mother under the Act of Settlement 1701. But the British constitutional monarchy, steeped in tradition, required King Charles III to be officially proclaimed by a special convening of the Accession Council at St James’s Palace on Saturday morning, albeit a largely ceremonial occasion announcing the name of the new monarch.
Whether this act of Accession Proclamation is an unnecessary anachronism of British constitutional monarchy two decades into the 21st Century as some reformers stress, the reality is that no one knows how old the Accession Council is.
According to Politico, “the Ancient Anglo-Saxon councils once “elected” the English monarch from among a handful of eligible Royal males — but the first modern Accession Council dates from 1603, when the Scottish King James VI also became James I of England.”
In the immortal words of Tevye in The Fidler on the Roof: “You may ask, how did this tradition get started. I'll tell you. I don't know.”
That King Charles III vowed he would "strive to follow the inspiring example" set by his mother in taking on the "heavy responsibilities of sovereignty", does not detract from the notion that some traditions are not set in stone.
One of his first acts as King was to allow the Accession Council proceedings on Saturday to be televised for public viewing for the first time. The last time these proceedings took place was in 1952 following the accession of Queen Elizabeth II, after the death of her father King George VI.
The King has form as a selective tradition iconoclast. As the Prince of Wales, he was an outspoken supporter of climate action and conservation, often to the chagrin of some climate sceptic right-wing politicians and their media supporters.
Perhaps more controversially he is determined to be the “Defender of Faith” as opposed to the Defender of the Faith” to reflect the UK’s modern multi-cultural multi-faith society.
The notion of a ‘reformist’ monarch may be a contradiction in terms – the British monarch after all has no executive powers and in keeping with tradition must be and must be seen to be apolitical.
The past week has been a momentous one for the UK - perhaps the most challenging since the end of World War II.
The week also saw the succession of Boris Johnson by Liz Truss as prime minister. The last two official acts of a frail and ailing Queen were last Tuesday - accepting the resignation of outgoing Johnson and inviting his successor Truss to form a new government.
The way Truss was elected as party leader and hence Prime Minister – by a 57% majority of some 160 000 grassroots Conservative Party members – is an affront to democratic polity – a tradition in urgent need of reform.
Truss started her political life as a young Liberal Democrat. In a fiery party conference speech once, she called for the abolition of the British monarchy. Such are the fine lines of political conversion of damascene proportions that today she is repositioned as the champion of extreme neo-liberal market economics, low taxes especially for the rich, and delivering on Brexit.
A day before the Queen’s passing, Truss unveiled a controversial Energy Plan that freezes the energy price cap to £2 500 annually till 2024 which had been due to rise to £3 549 for a typical household from October.
The Ukraine War with its devastating impact on fuel and food prices and supplies has contributed to a global cost-of-living crisis partly fuelled by raging inflation.
In the UK, inflation is currently at 10.2%. The Bank of England last Wednesday "in light of the period of national mourning" delayed a key decision on interest rates, which were expected to rise to 2.25%. Governor Andrew Bailey ominously predicted that the UK economy would fall into recession later this year "overwhelmingly caused by the actions of Russia and the impact on energy prices".
Truss plans to finance the energy price cap through government borrowing, which analysts stress could cost some £150bn to taxpayers. This opposed the Labour Opposition’s plan for a windfall tax on the excessive profits of energy companies estimated at £170bn to partly finance the cap. Truss has also torn up the Conservative government’s climate action playbook by issuing new oil and gas exploration licences for the North Sea, lifting the ban on fracking for shale gas, and looking to negotiate lower-priced long-term contracts with renewable and nuclear power companies.
In almost two decades there is a clear blue line in policy between the Tories and Labour – the Tories favouring a low tax market economy to drive GDP and investment; and Labour a more interventionist policy aimed at lifting working people out of hardship and poverty by asking the rich in society to contribute more through higher taxes.
A nation in mourning, a Britain battered by the twin effects of Covid-19 and economic shocks with the associated real-life uncertainties, is a daunting task for any new monarch let alone a septuagenarian!
Parker is an economist and writer based in London
Cape Times